Millions of
taxpayers
dodged a
bullet when
Congress in
December
finally
passed a
clean, one
year “patch”
on the
exemption
level for
the
Alternative
Minimum Tax
(AMT),
though many
of them may
not know it.
This
eleventh-hour
legislation
was needed
to protect
middle-income
taxpayers
from the
ever
expanding
reach of the
AMT – an
illegitimate
tax that, if
left
unaddressed,
would impose
a stealth
tax hike on
numerous
Americans.
Adjusting
the poorly
crafted AMT
has become
something of
an annual
tradition in
Congress,
and our
perennial
need to fix
this element
of our tax
code
suggests an
even greater
need:
overall
reform and
simplification
of the
individual
income tax
system.
To get a
sense of how
our tax code
has evolved
into the
behemoth it
is today,
consider how
the AMT has
changed over
the years
from a well
intentioned
policy to
close
loopholes
into a
growing
burden on
law abiding
taxpayers.
Good
Intentions
Gone Astray
When the
Alternative
Minimum Tax
was
initiated in
1969 as an
add-on to
the existing
tax code,
its purpose
was to
prevent
fewer than
200 wealthy
taxpayers
from using
loopholes to
avoid paying
their
legitimate
tax
obligations.
In contrast,
the number
of taxpayers
subject to
the AMT
stood at
approximately
3.5 million
in 2006.
Moreover,
largely
because the
tax was
never
indexed for
inflation,
the AMT
threatened
to ensnare
approximately
23 million
taxpayers
this income
tax season
if Congress
had not
passed
corrective
legislation.
Unfortunately,
in last
year’s
politically
charged
environment,
with the
majority in
the House of
Representatives
committed to
a flawed
version of
pay as-
you-go
policy, even
enacting a
temporary
AMT “fix”
proved
contentious.
To his
credit, the
Chairman of
the House
Ways and
Means
Committee,
Charlie
Rangel,
acknowledged
the need for
a permanent
repeal of
the AMT as
well as a
reduction in
America’s
corporate
tax rate.
Too bad his
proposal –
dubbed the
“mother of
all tax
reform” –
would raise
other taxes
by $3.5
trillion
over 10
years,
amounting to
the largest
individual
income tax
increase in
U.S.
history.
If this were
allowed to
occur, the
federal
government
would end up
consuming an
ever-growing
share of the
American
economy.
Instead of
keeping tax
revenue
around its
historical
level of
about 18.3%
of the
economy,
federal
taxes would
consume
roughly one
fourth of
U.S.
economic
resources by
mid-century.
At the same
time, this
tax hike
masquerading
as tax
“reform”
does not
tackle the
problem of
our tax
system’s
excessive
complexity.
As former
House
Majority
Leader Dick
Armey noted
in a Wall
Street
Journal
opinion
article last
fall,
“Compliance
with the
60,000-page
tax code
costs
Americans
seven
billion
man-hours
and over
$140 billion
in fees to
accountants
and
consultants,
all before a
single check
is cut to
the
government.
While the
AMT may be
repealed by
[Rangel’s]
bill, the
inefficiencies
and burdens
that keep
Washington
lobbyists
employed
full time
remain.”
Although
Congress did
not vote on
the “mother
of all tax
reform”
bills, the
House did
pass a
narrower
measure in
early
November
that
borrowed
elements
from it.
This
legislation,
which did
not become
law,
resorted to
permanent
tax
increases on
businesses
and
individuals
in order to
delay for
one year the
full
imposition
of the AMT.
This
approach,
like
Chairman
Rangel’s
more
sweeping
proposal, is
grounded in
the faulty
premise that
the
government
is entitled
to the
growing tax
revenues
that are
forecast to
pour into
the
Treasury’s
coffers as a
result of
the flawed
way in which
the AMT was
written.
Raising
taxes to
stop an AMT
tax increase
merely
creates
problems in
other areas,
and this
circular
logic does
nothing to
strengthen
America’s
economy. Our
taxpayers
need a
simpler tax
code imbued
with greater
certainty
that
encourages
investment
and job
creation,
discourages
constant
congressional
meddling,
and keeps
federal tax
revenue as a
share of the
overall
economy from
expanding
well past
its
historical
level.
Letting
Taxpayers
Decide
Together
with
Congressman
Jeb
Hensarling
(R-TX), John
Campbell
(R-CA), and
Michele
Bachmann
(R-MN), I
introduced
legislation
last fall to
help us
reach these
goals and
start us on
the path
toward a
more
user-friendly
tax system
that’s easy
to comply
with and
doesn’t
contain
stealth tax
hikes. This
bill – H.R.
3818, the
Taxpayer
Choice Act –
repeals the
alternative
minimum tax
altogether
and offers
taxpayers
the choice
of a highly
simplified
alternative
to the
current
individual
income tax.
First, our
proposal
prohibits
the
imposition
of the AMT
on
individual
taxpayers in
any taxable
year after
2006 –
heading off
an $841
billion tax
increase
over the
next 10
years that
would
otherwise
spring from
the
automatic
expansion of
the AMT.
Then our
plan
provides
comprehensive
reform,
giving
taxpayers
the chance
to select
between two
income tax
systems: the
current tax
code with
its various
deductions
and credits,
or a new
“simplified
tax” that
has just two
income tax
rates (10
percent and
25 percent).
Specifically,
taxpayers
who choose
the
simplified
tax would
pay 10
percent on
taxable
income up to
$100,000 for
joint filers
($50,000 for
single
filers) and
25 percent
on taxable
income above
these
amounts. A
cost-of-living
adjustment
to these tax
brackets is
factored in
each year.
Under this
simplified
system,
taxpayers
would have
no special
tax
preferences
but would
benefit from
a generous
standard
deduction
and personal
exemption.
The standard
deduction is
$25,000 for
joint tax
filers and
$12,500 for
single
filers. The
personal
exemption is
$3,500. For
example, a
family of
four (in
which the
parents file
taxes
jointly)
would have a
standard
deduction
and personal
exemptions
that add up
to $39,000
altogether.
On the other
hand, if a
taxpayer
believes he
will fare
better under
the current
complicated
tax code,
then he or
she can
continue
paying taxes
through the
existing
system.
Under our
legislation,
taxpayers
would need
to make a
choice
within 10
years from
the time
that the
simplified
tax is
established
as to which
tax
structure
they will
use. To
prevent
people from
gaming the
system,
year-by-year
tax code
switches are
not
permitted.
After their
initial
selection,
taxpayers
would be
allowed one
changeover
between the
two tax
systems over
their
lifespan.
Beyond that,
people could
generally
only switch
tax systems
if a major
life event
such as a
marriage,
divorce or
death
altered
their filing
status.
Given the
option of a
fair,
simple, and
transparent
alternative
to the
current tax
code, I
believe that
over time
the majority
of taxpayers
would opt
for the
simpler
system.
The Taxpayer
Choice Act
is only one
piece of
what needs
to be a
larger
solution to
strengthening
America’s
economy and
boosting our
ability to
compete
globally. It
applies
solely to
federal
individual
income taxes
and, by
itself, does
not address
needed
reforms in
the
corporate
tax, payroll
tax and
excise tax
arenas.
Nevertheless,
it is a
solid
starting
point for an
overdue
national
debate on
tax reform.
Without
lasting
reform, we
face the
prospect of
continuing
congressional
squabbling
over
temporary,
stop-gap
measures to
shield
middle-income
taxpayers
from the
looming AMT
tax burden –
injecting
more
uncertainty
into an
economy
already
shaken by
other
variables
such as
energy
prices and
the
sub-prime
mortgage
crisis.
On the other
hand, with
the proposed
reforms, we
have the
opportunity
to repeal
the AMT once
and for all
give
taxpayers
the choice
of a
simpler,
more
efficient
tax system;
and enable
us to keep
federal tax
revenue as a
share of
gross
domestic
product
close to its
historical
level
instead of
watching it
rise
steadily to
nearly 24
percent of
GDP by
mid-century
under the
present path
of tax law.
RF
Paul Ryan
represents
the 1st
District of
Wisconsin in
the U.S.
House of
Representatives.
He is the
Ranking
Republican
on the
Budget
Committee,
and is a
member of
the Ways and
Means
Committee.