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One of the most
important
recommendations
of the 9/11
Commission is to
strengthen
Congressional
oversight. While
the Congress
acted promptly
on Commission
recommendations
to restructure
the Executive
Branch, and
while we have so
far succeeded in
preventing any
further
terrorist
attacks in the
United States,
Congress has
done little to
reform itself.
Why does such
reform matter?
The answer is
simple. All of
the reforms in
law, policy, and
practice
recommended by
the Commission
require the
attention and
guidance of the
Congress if they
are to be
implemented and
sustained over
time. Difficult
and complex
reforms of our
government are
at risk if
Congress is not
a partner in
helping them to
succeed.
There is also a
fundamental
question of
checks and
balances. The
Congress has
created a
powerful
Director of
National
Intelligence and
a National
Counterterrorism
Center. It has
provided
broadened
investigative
authorities to
the Executive
Branch, and
authorized more
intrusive
transportation
and border
inspection
measures. Under
our
Constitution,
the Congress
must also
provide an
effective check
and balance on
the actions of
the Executive by
conducting
robust oversight
over the
exercise of
these
authorities.
Congress cannot
play its proper
role if its
oversight
committees are
weak. Strong
oversight by the
Congress
protects our
liberties and
makes our
policies better.
Our freedom and
safety depend on
getting this
balance right.
So what should
the Congress
do?
First, the
Committees on
Intelligence and
Homeland
Security need to
be powerful,
standing
Committees of
the Congress,
with sufficient
and capable
staff, strong
investigative
powers, and
exclusive
jurisdiction.
They should not
have to share
jurisdiction or
be subject to
sequential
referral over
key elements in
their
jurisdiction.
Reforms at the
outset of the
current Congress
did not meet
this test. There
were some modest
changes: the
Senate
Intelligence
Committee
removed term
limits, reduced
its membership,
created an
oversight
subcommittee,
and limited
sequential
referrals. Its
House
counterpart
created an
oversight
subcommittee. On
homeland
security, both
the House and
Senate created
permanent
Committees, but
the Senate
Committee has
authority over
only 30 percent
of the
Department of
Homeland
Security’s
budget, and 8
percent of the
Department’s
personnel.
The Intelligence
Committees
should have sole
jurisdiction
over the
National
Intelligence
Program. The
Homeland
Security
Committees
should have sole
jurisdiction
over all
counterterrorism
elements of the
Department of
Homeland
Security. There
should be clear
lines of
accountability,
both by the
Executive to the
Congress, and by
congressional
oversight
committees to
the public. The
public needs to
know which
committees have
responsibility
for oversight.
Second, there
should be
Appropriations
subcommittees
that clearly
track the
jurisdiction of
the authorizing
committees. It
is clear that
the Congress
will not create
a single
Intelligence
Committee with
both
authorization
and
appropriation
powers, as the
Commission
originally
recommended. The
next best
solution is to
create
appropriations
subcommittees
for intelligence
that track the
jurisdiction of
the authorizing
committees, as
the Congress has
done for
homeland
security.
To underscore
the weakness of
the current
system of
oversight, note
that the
Congress did not
complete action
on either an
Intelligence or
Homeland
Security
authorization
bill for this
year. Prospects
for FY ‘07 look
no better. The
Committees are
too weak, or too
divided, to
guide the
legislation to
completion. In
the absence of
policy guidance
from the
responsible
committees
charged with
oversight, who
is minding the
store?
We should not
place our
confidence in
congressional
oversight
structures for
national
security that
were designed at
the beginning of
the Cold War.
The Nation needs
to reform all
its national
security
institutions.
The first order
of business for
the 110th
Congress should
be to reform its
own Committee
structures to
meet the
security
challenges of a
new era.
RF
Slade Gorton
served on the
National
Commission On
Terrorist
Attacks Upon the
United States.
Previously, he
represented
Washington State
in the U.S.
Senate. He is
currently Of
Counsel at
Preston, Gates &
Ellis. |